Competitive — shifted 16.2pp toward Republicans in 2024 — 4.8M residents — 3 counties
| Group | % |
|---|---|
▶White (Non-Hispanic)(13) | 20.9% |
▶Hispanic / Latino(20) | 53.5% |
▶Black / African American(13) | 20.1% |
▶Asian(6) | 2.5% |
▶Middle Eastern / North African(10) | 1.1% |
▶Native American / Alaska Native(1) | 0.2% |
Multiracial / Other | 2.8% |
| Tradition | % Pop | % Adherents |
|---|---|---|
| Catholic | 25.1% | 52.5% |
| Evangelical Protestant | 14.3% | 30.0% |
| Other | 4.4% | 9.3% |
| Black Protestant | 2.3% | 4.8% |
| Mainline Protestant | 1.5% | 3.1% |
| LDS (Mormon) | 0.5% | 1.1% |
| Orthodox Christian | 0.2% | 0.3% |
| Non-religious | 52.2% | — |
| Year | Result |
|---|---|
| 2024 | Harris+0.7 |
| 2020 | Biden+17.0 |
| 2016 | Clinton+31.3 |
| 2012 | Obama+28.2 |
| 2008 | Obama+24.2 |
| 2004 | Kerry+17.0 |
| 2000 | Gore+20.2 |
| 1996 | Clinton+32.2 |
| 1992 | Clinton+18.2 |
| County | Pop. | Margin | Dem | Rep | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Miami-Dade | 2.7M | R+11.4 | 480,355 | 605,590 | 1,094,105 |
| Broward | 2.0M | D+17.0 | 507,328 | 358,952 | 874,539 |
| Monroe | 82K | R+18.3 | 17,933 | 26,064 | 44,328 |
| Group | Miami-Ft. Lauderdale | National |
|---|---|---|
▶Hispanic / Latino(20) | 53.5% | 19.3% |
▶White (Non-Hispanic)(13) | 20.9% | 57.4% |
▶Black / African American(13) | 20.1% | 12.2% |
Multiracial / Other | 2.8% | 4.0% |
▶Asian(6) | 2.5% | 6.0% |
▶Middle Eastern / North African(10) | 1.1% | 0.9% |
▶Native American / Alaska Native(1) | 0.2% | 0.9% |
| Tradition | % Pop | % Adherents | US Pop | US Adherents |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 25.1% | 52.5% | — | — | |
| 14.3% | 30.0% | — | — | |
| 4.4% | 9.3% | — | — | |
| 2.3% | 4.8% | — | — | |
| 1.5% | 3.1% | — | — | |
LDS (Mormon) | 0.5% | 1.1% | — | — |
| 0.2% | 0.3% | — | — | |
Non-religiousPopulation | 52.2% | — | — | — |
Who lives in the Miami-Ft. Lauderdale media market? 4,797,345 residents across 3 counties.
Scale, voting-age share, and this geography's footprint inside the national electorate.
Income, attainment, and ownership indicators that often shape coalition structure and turnout behavior.
Age structure, language use, and nativity signals that explain how this geography differs from state and nation.