Safe Republican — shifted 5.6pp toward Republicans in 2024 — 264K residents — 5 counties
| Group | % |
|---|---|
▶White (Non-Hispanic)(13) | 73.8% |
▶Hispanic / Latino(19) | 3.6% |
▶Black / African American(10) | 16.1% |
▶Asian(6) | 1.4% |
▶Middle Eastern / North African(7) | 0.3% |
▶Native American / Alaska Native(2) | 0.2% |
▶Native Hawaiian / Pacific Islander(3) | 0.1% |
Multiracial / Other | 4.7% |
| Tradition | % Pop | % Adherents |
|---|---|---|
| Evangelical Protestant | 38.0% | 68.4% |
| Mainline Protestant | 9.6% | 17.3% |
| Catholic | 4.6% | 8.2% |
| Other | 1.9% | 3.3% |
| Black Protestant | 1.4% | 2.6% |
| LDS (Mormon) | 0.8% | 1.4% |
| Non-religious | 44.5% | — |
| Year | Result |
|---|---|
| 2024 | Trump+37.7 |
| 2020 | Trump+32.1 |
| 2016 | Trump+35.1 |
| 2012 | Romney+29.6 |
| 2008 | McCain+24.3 |
| 2004 | Bush+29.6 |
| 2000 | Bush+24.1 |
| 1996 | Dole+11.7 |
| 1992 | Bush+16.9 |
| County | Pop. | Margin | Dem | Rep | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Bedford | 81K | R+50.4 | 12,414 | 38,017 | 50,830 |
| Lynchburg City | 79K | R+7.9 | 16,664 | 19,574 | 36,715 |
| Campbell | 55K | R+48.6 | 7,890 | 23,032 | 31,171 |
| Amherst | 31K | R+36.5 | 5,429 | 11,742 | 17,303 |
| Appomattox | 17K | R+51.0 | 2,324 | 7,243 | 9,642 |
| Group | Lynchburg, VA | National |
|---|---|---|
▶White (Non-Hispanic)(13) | 73.8% | 57.4% |
▶Black / African American(10) | 16.1% | 12.2% |
Multiracial / Other | 4.7% | 4.0% |
▶Hispanic / Latino(19) | 3.6% | 19.3% |
▶Asian(6) | 1.4% | 6.0% |
▶Middle Eastern / North African(7) | 0.3% | 0.9% |
▶Native American / Alaska Native(2) | 0.2% | 0.9% |
▶Native Hawaiian / Pacific Islander(3) | 0.1% | 0.2% |
| Tradition | % Pop | % Adherents | US Pop | US Adherents |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 38.0% | 68.4% | — | — | |
| 9.6% | 17.3% | — | — | |
| 4.6% | 8.2% | — | — | |
| 1.9% | 3.3% | — | — | |
| 1.4% | 2.6% | — | — | |
LDS (Mormon) | 0.8% | 1.4% | — | — |
Non-religiousPopulation | 44.5% | — | — | — |
Who lives in the Lynchburg, VA metro area? 263,798 residents across 5 counties.
Scale, voting-age share, and this geography's footprint inside the national electorate.
Income, attainment, and ownership indicators that often shape coalition structure and turnout behavior.
Age structure, language use, and nativity signals that explain how this geography differs from state and nation.